Cherokee Janus: The Struggle for Cherokee Identity
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09-12-2013, 07:54 PM
Cherokee Janus: The Struggle for Cherokee Identity
The following is the final project for my Native American anthropology class. It incorporates some material from this previous article because of the overlapping subject matter.
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Cherokee Janus: The Struggle for Cherokee Identity

By Jim R. McClanahan

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"Cherokee Janus." Click here for the full size picture.

The month of January is named in honor of the Roman god Janus because he is considered the god of new beginnings. He is also considered to be a god of both war and peace. This explains why he is depicted in paintings and sculpture as having two faces, each pointing towards a different direction. The first face is old and bearded and points towards the past, while the second is younger and clean shaven and points towards the present and into the future. The dual nature of Janus then stands as a perfect example of the changing face of Cherokee identity. This first identity is a hybrid of both Cherokee culture and White society. They took to wearing western clothing, speaking English, and even owning slaves in the past. The second identity is of a people in the present who are trying to reclaim their Native heritage in the face of widespread intermarriage and assimilation, as well as Euroamericans claiming Native heritage or just “playing Indian.” In this paper I will show that the Cherokee adopted a strategy of hybridity to cast an aura of white civility in order to protect themselves against colonialist policies; and that they later came to internalize hegemonic ideologies concerning blood purity as a way to enact sovereignty over the means to negotiate their identity and cultural authenticity. I will use a piece of art that I created to illustrate this struggle and to trace it over two centuries.

“Cherokee Janus” is a digital collage that depicts a Cherokee man with two faces standing with both arms outstretched. The piece is split vertically down the middle, with the faces pointing in two different directions and the left and right sides of the body confined to their own half. The legs, which are spread at the shoulder, serve to ground the individual in both the past and the present. The left side is dressed in 19th-century clothing worn by white aristocrats, a charcoal gray dress suit with a peppered red and black vest, a white undershirt and a black tie and shoes. A single hair braid rests on his chest. The right hand is grasping the wooden handle of a Victorian-style party mask of a scowling white man’s face. This mask is positioned at the same level as the Cherokee’s eyes. He is looking at a disheartened black man working in a cotton field with other slaves. The right side is dressed in 20th-century clothing, a red long-sleeved shirt, blue jeans, and brown cowboy boots. A second braid mirroring the first rests on his chest. His left hand is loosely holding an old, yellowed document entitled “DAWES ROLL” in large capital letters; a red X marks a name on the list. He is showing the document to a very stern looking Uncle Sam, who is sitting behind a counter at the Bureau of Indian Affairs. The latter is tightly clutching a wad of cash in his right hand. A word bubble issues forth from the Cherokee’s mouth, and, instead of words, it contains an image of an old fuel gage with markings (going counterclockwise) for full (4:00), three-quarters (2:00), one-half (12:00), one-quarter (10:00), and empty (8:00). A symbolic drop of blood above and the words “BLOOD LEVEL” below the indication needle show that this gauge is a measure of his Native blood. The needle is sitting just above the three-quarter mark.

Formation of the Red vs. White Dichotomy

Prior to the coming of European settlers, the Cherokee sense of self was based on a common culture and a common language, albeit with different regional dialects. These differences in dialect sprang from the geographical barriers that separated the various communities in the southern Appalachian region of what would become the United States (Sturm 2002: 30). The political structure of each Cherokee community was independent from the next because there was no one centralized seat of power. Beyond language, the connections between each settlement were based on kinship ties of blood relation and clan association, religion, trade, and military allegiance. This changed when the Cherokee started coming into contact with white men in the 17th-century. A more unified government appeared in the latter half of the 18th-century as a protective measure against Euroamericans who considered the actions of each independent Cherokee settlement to be representative of some perceived larger whole. For example, a Cherokee warrior seeking “blood revenge” against a white man for some injustice could cause people in a separate Cherokee settlement to bear the brunt of the payback (Sturm 2002: 36-40).

These clashes with a different people caused the Cherokee to redefine their identity in order to differentiate themselves from Euroamericans. So they began to define themselves in terms of phenotype, or outward appearance. They were the red to the Euroamericans’ white, two sides of the same human coin. While this shift in identity was in response to the white man, the color red—as it was used by the Cherokee—is connected to their color-coded system of governance (red flags during a time of war and white flags during a time of peace) and the clay-based origins of humans from their creation stories (Sturm 2002: 43 and 46).

Cultural Hybridity as Protection

The left side of Cherokee Janus is peering into the 19th-century when the Cherokee had been living in contact with Euroamericans for over a century. The first of the two identities personified by him was born when white men were pushing further and further into the Cherokee homeland. The Cherokee came to link their land with their new racial identity. This growing sense of nationalism caused them to base their government on that of the fledgling United States, leading to the creation of a Cherokee constitution, legislature, supreme court, and police force (Sturm 2002: 52-53). The Cherokee at this time were living at the intersection between their traditional culture, modernity, and white society. Some individuals “might have tried their hand at plow agriculture, monogamy, reading, and writing” (Sturm 2002: 57). Others may have become Christian or learned English, but this just speaks to the diversity of the Cherokee people. This was by no means done in the name of progress as some early commentators hoped (Sturm 2002: 56).

On the contrary, the adoption of white cultural elements was most likely a strategy of hybridity to cast an aura of white civility in order to protect themselves against colonialist policies. For instance, the Cherokee knew that Euroamericans placed them vertically on a racial hierarchical scale between whites and African Americans. Circe Sturm points out that the Cherokee “realized they too were racial 'others’ in the new American nation-state, and if they weren’t careful to establish their own social and political uniqueness, then they might be subjected to the same harsh treatment as African Americans” (Sturm 2002: 54-55). This is why Cherokee Janus is wearing western clothing and is holding a mask that looks like a white man’s face. This mask is symbolic of the aura of white civility that they tried to portray. In essence, it is a protective shield that enabled them to resist, if only temporarily, government attempts at assimilation or eradication.

Adopting slavery was another form of hybridity that the Cherokee used to tip the racial hierarchy in their favor. Prior to the appearance of the first Europeans in the 16th-century, they had owned slaves captured from other tribal groups. With the establishment of a slave trading network by Euroamericans in the 18th-century, the Cherokee used these captives to trade for western goods. They were trading black slaves almost exclusively by 1776 because Africans had proven to be more resistant to western germs than their Native counterparts. (Sturm 2002: 48-51). Many of the Cherokee, especially the elite, were slave owners. They eventually came to internalize western ideologies on race and looked unfavorably upon intermarriage between tribal members and their slaves (Sturm 2002: 54). This is why Cherokee Janus is peering through the grimacing mask at the disheartened slave standing in a cotton field.

A modern parallel is the way that some Native groups, such as the Seminoles of Florida, have adopted Casino gaming as a hybrid strategy. Just like the Cherokee following the Indian Removal Act, the Seminoles historically became wards of the state dependent on federal subsistence to survive. But living in abject poverty led them in the late 20th-century to exploit the inalienable rights of their land to sell untaxed cigarettes. This opened the door to casino gaming because the land was not subject to the same gaming laws as non-reservation territory (Cattelino 2004: 81). The Seminoles opened Hollywood Bingo, a high stakes bingo hall, in 1979. Jessica R. Cattelino explains that “Seminoles pursued gaming as an act of self-government; as such, the ‘gaming tribe’ emerged at the intersection of indigenous sovereignty claims with economy” (Cattelino 2010: 246). They used tribal gaming to enact sovereignty over their own culture just like the Cherokee used Euroamerican culture for the same purpose (Cattelino 2004: 83). However, the respective hybrid strategies placed both groups in a double-bind. Tribal gaming money gives the Seminoles more independence from government aid, but it threatens their tribal rights since critics think their wealth and partial adoption of western culture (e.g., big houses, nice cars, and expensive clothing) somehow makes them less Indian (Catellino 2004: 247-248). The adoption of white culture helped the Cherokee protect themselves from colonialist policies, but it also hastened assimilation, especially through intermarriage (see below).

Blood Purity, Identity, and Native Authenticity

The right side of Cherokee Janus is peering into the present when one’s “Cherokeeness” has to be proven through documentation. More historical context is needed in order to fully understand the significance of this half. The Cherokee attempt to appear civilized did not work in the end because the US government still considered them to be inferior, separate, the “Other.” President Andrew Jackson signed the Indian Removal Act in 1830, and the Cherokee were forcibly removed from their homeland to reservations in Oklahoma. The forced march, known as the “Trail of Tears,” was seared into the memory of the Cherokee because many of their loved ones died from exposure, starvation, and/or disease (Sturm 2002: 61-65).

The government began to once again absorb Native lands decades later. They hoped to further civilize the Cherokee, and so they began to allot portions of the land back to them for agriculture use in the Dawes Act (a.k.a. General Allotment Act) of 1887. However, a century of intermixing between the Cherokee and Euroamerican population had placed many people into an ambiguous racial category. The government took note of this and decided to set strict criteria for who could receive land. They created the hegemonic concept of “blood quantum,” a type of pseudoscientific measure of blood purity, to determine if someone was Indian enough. For instance, if someone was half-Cherokee-half-white, their blood quantum would be one-half. This explains the contents of Cherokee Janus’ word bubble; he is explaining that his blood quantum is around three-quarters. Those who could prove that they had a certain level of Native blood were included in the Dawes Roll (1893-1906), a government census of Native peoples. This roll is quite important because it is from this list that all people currently enrolled as members of the Cherokee Nation trace their native heritage. Blood quantum became the rule on which all Cherokee measured their native “authenticity” (Sturm 2002: 78-81). Thus, they absorbed this hegemonic ideology as a way of negotiating their identity.

Blood quantum is so important today that it is listed on a government issued Certificate Degree of Indian Blood (CDIB) card that is needed in order to qualify for things like tribal healthcare. This is why Cherokee Janus is holding a copy of the Dawes Roll and showing it to Uncle Sam, who is sitting behind a counter at the Bureau of Indian Affairs, a government agency that issues the CDIB cards. The red X marks the name of his relative on the list. He is trying to enroll as a member of the tribe so that he can not only prove his native authenticity but also to get government assistance. Uncle Sam’s stern continuance and his tight grasp on a handful of cash is representative of the government’s historical dislike of Natives in general and the stinginess with which it doles out aid.

The continued intermixing between the Cherokee and Euroamericans led to different aggregating groups of mixed- and full-blood individuals who had different views on what constituted an authentic Cherokee identity. These groups have continued to argue over these traits up through the present. Some are only Cherokee in name because their ancestry is whiter, while others have the classic dark features commonly associated with Indians (Sturm 2002: 111-115). Beyond blood quantum, which ties into phenotype, the Cherokee have four criteria for determining someone’s level of authenticity. The first is participation in one of two mainstream ways of religious life: Keetoowah stomp-dancing and Cherokee Baptist Christianity; the second is speaking the Cherokee language; the third is involvement in community affairs; and the fourth is acting Cherokee, which is essentially a type of reserved nature that is not outgoing or flashy (Sturm 2002: 116-136). It is important to note that the level of one’s blood quantum is still a major factor because more traditional Cherokee believe that the whiter one’s ancestry is the further removed they are from Cherokee cultural elements like the ones mentioned above. However, the notion that more Native blood equals more authenticity is far more flexible than the Cherokee are sometimes willing to admit. A prime example of this is how even someone who is a mixed-blood can be socially considered a “full-blood” if they are a heritage caretaker, such as a Cherokee medicine man (Sturm 2002: 125).

Cherokee with white ancestry and little exposure to Native culture can be compared to Native children known as “Lost Birds” because the latter were taken away from their families and raised in Christian boarding schools or placed in Euroamerican homes (Strong 2002: 473-474). Individuals who were placed in boarding schools in the late 19th- and early 20th-century were forced to adopt a white lifestyle in order to “Kill the Indian, save the [child]”—i.e., to purge them of their Native identity (Riney 1999: 8). The Hopi priest Don Talayesva (b. 1890) noted that upon his sister’s entry in a boarding school, “the teacher cut her hair, burned all her clothes, and gave her a new outfit and a new name, Nellie” (Strong 2002: 474). The government placed Indian children in Euroamerican homes with the expressed purpose of thinning out Native groups to the point that they would just simply disappear (Strong 2002: 481). Naturally, these children would have no exposure to the language of their people and other cultural elements that they would need to negotiate and perform their identity as a member of a certain tribal nation. The Indian Child Welfare Act (ICWA) of 1978 was enacted to give Natives the sovereignty to control the adoption process by making sure children are placed in a home within their respective cultures (Strong 2002: 482).

The author Mary Black Bonnet was a product of the pre-ICWA era. She returned to the place of her birth after living off the reservation her entire life. Even though she was a full-blood Lakota, her peers treated her with animosity and called her an “‘apple,’ which means a Native American who is red on the outside and white on the inside” (Black Bonnet 2002: 52). Here, the Lakota notion of blood-based identity is just as flexible as that of the Cherokee. Black Bonnet was treated harshly because of her extreme social distance from the Lakota lifestyle that her critics grew up in. Cherokee with little Native blood would also have this distance unless they actually grew up in the community. This distance is directly related to the assimilation brought on by the adoption of western culture, and the connection between blood, identity, and authenticity is directly related to the internalization of blood quantum.

Why exactly is blood so important to the Cherokee? The mantle of Cherokeeness was originally carried by females due to the matrilineal clan system that the Cherokee adhered to. This is because they considered blood to be a very powerful medium, especially menstrual blood. Their folklore imbued it with magical properties capable of creating life just like a woman. The Cherokee had 7 clans (World, Deer, Bird, Paint, Long Hair, Potato, and Blue), and women could only marry into clans related to their father since males didn’t carry the Cherokee mantle. With the overlapping of Cherokee and Euroamerican territory in the 18th- and 19th-century came a new source of men. Cherokee women were able to marry outside the tribe and any resulting mixed-blood children were considered Cherokee. This is because they received the ever important Cherokee blood from their mother. However, this all changed when both men and women began to widely marry outside of the tribe. The children of males may have had Cherokee blood, dark Native features, and spoken the language, but they were not Cherokee because their mothers were of a different race (Sturm 2002: 30-35). The Cherokee later adopted the western patrilineal system of descent to fix this problem. But the continued importance of blood quantum shows that the Cherokee conflated it with traditional views on the power of blood to enact sovereignty over the means to negotiate their identity and cultural authenticity.

Another reason why blood is so important is because of the large number of “racial shifters” and “wannabes” that have come to dominate modern discourses on Cherokee identity. The number of people who identify as Native American has rapidly increased between the censuses of 1960 and 2000. If those who identify as Native American and those who identify as being multiracial with Native heritage are taken into account, the number has exponentially grown from 551,700 to over 4.1 million, an increase of 647 percent in just 40 years (Sturm 2011: 5). This phenomenon cannot be accounted for by immigration or higher birth rates in Native nations alone. Sturm believes this mindboggling increase is the result of people changing their identity because of recently discovered Native heritages or those wannabes influenced by uncorroborated family stories about a grandmother being a “Cherokee Princess” (Sturm 2011: 5-6). While those shifters with Native blood may have claim, if only a little, to a Native identity, those wannabes with no real claim are dangerous because they are appropriating Cherokee culture.

Euroamericans “Playing Indian”

When the remains of 47 Native individuals were discovered at an archaeological site near Portsmouth, Ohio in 1987, the Tallige Fire Community, a self-proclaimed and unrecognized “Cherokee” tribe peopled by Euroamericans, claimed ownership over the bones because of some perceived shared Native heritage. The local board of commissions agreed to let the group rebury the remains; the 40 members arrived on the appointed day dressed in “hospital smocks for men and Pocahontas-style, off the shoulder dresses for the women” (Sturm 2011: 3). The gathering media filmed them as they smothered the individual caskets in smoldering herbs before lowering them into the ground and commenting on the supposedly long history of the vague ceremony (Ibid).

It’s possible that the people of the Tallige Fire Community had some modicum of Native blood, but the danger here is that there is no evidence they did; yet Native remains were freely handed over to them. What if they had not buried them but instead kept them? This is the sort of case that would have been tied up in the courts for years because of the Native American Graves and Repatriation Act (NAGRPA) of 1990. It gave Native people the ability to enact sovereignty over the material culture and physical remains of their ancestors that were acquired by government-funded agencies, such as Universities and Museums, without their consent (Ferguson 1996). Various tribal groups (federally recognized or otherwise) would have surely fought for rights over the bones. What’s worse, the group’s faux Indian dress and mock ceremony amount to little more than “playing Indian.”

The Tallige Fire Community is no different than the Smokis, a fraternal order of white businessmen who appropriated the sacred Hopi Snake Dance in the 1920s. They performed their own version that was similar to, but not quite the same as, the original—complete with movie-style red Navajo head bands, black wigs, tin can rattles, fake chanting, and a paying audience (Whiteley 1998: 164-165). Peter Whiteley comments that such acts are examples of “cultural hegemony, a politics of representations wherein a dominant group appropriates and refigures a subaltern’s cultural symbols to its own purposes” (Whiteley 1998: 169). Appropriating ceremonies undermine the original intended meaning. Whether or not the Tallige Fire Community burial ceremony was based on a historical ritual, the act of appropriating a Cherokee identity and using it to gain control over Native remains is a clear cut case of cultural hegemony. This is why negotiating and performing one’s authenticity is so important to some modern Cherokee.

Conclusion

Cherokee Janus represents the struggle of Cherokee identity over the last two centuries. The left side depicts him wearing 19th-century Euroamerican clothing and peering through the mask of a white man’s face at an African American slave in a cotton field. The clothing and mask are representative of the aura of white civility that the Cherokee used as a strategy of hybridity to protect themselves against the government’s colonialists policies of assimilation or eradication. It gave them the agency to enact sovereignty over their culture. That he is peering through the scowling mask at the African American man is representative of the Cherokees’ adoption of slavery, as well as their internalization of hegemonic ideologies on race, as another form of protective hybridity. These two strategies, however, only served to hasten their assimilation into the dominant society.

The right side depicts him wearing 20th-century clothing and vocalizing an image of a gas gauge while showing a document to a stingy Uncle Sam at the Bureau of Indian Affairs (BIA). The gas gauge is symbolic of blood quantum, a pseudoscientific measure of blood purity. Over a century of intermarriage between the Cherokee and Euroamerican populations put many people into an ambiguous racial category, so the government created this concept as a means to restrict how much Native land was given back to Indians after the Dawes Act of 1887. Individuals who could prove that they had a certain level of blood purity were included in the Dawes Roll, a census of Native groups. It is from this list that all Cherokee currently enrolled as members of the Cherokee Nation trace their Native heritage. This is why Cherokees Janus is showing a copy of the Dawes Roll to Uncle Sam (the government). People who enroll in a tribe are given a Certificate Degree of Indian Blood (CDIB) card in which they need to prove their position as a member of a tribe and receive government healthcare and aid. This is why Uncle Sam is tightly grasping a handful of money and sitting behind a counter at the BIA.

Women originally carried the mantle of “Cherokeeness” in the matriarchal Cherokee society; their children were still considered members of the tribe even if their fathers were white since they received the ever important Cherokee blood from the mother. Cherokee folklore traditionally ascribed great power to blood because it was capable of creating life just like a woman. Hence, the Cherokee came to conflate blood quantum with traditional views on the power of blood to enact sovereignty over the means to negotiate their identity and cultural authenticity. This need to negotiate identity is especially important since the Cherokee have to deal with Euroamericans claiming Native heritage or, worse, “Playing Indian.” By appropriating a Cherokee identify, white individuals with no Native blood are practicing colonialism by taking from what does not belong to them.

Bibliography

Black Bonnet, Mary. 2003. “Blood in Two Worlds.” In Genocide of the Mind: New Native American Writing. M. Moore. ed. pp. 13-20. New York: Nation Books.

Cattelino, Jessica R. “Casino Roots: The Cultural Production of Twentieth-Century Seminole Economic Development,” In Native Pathways: American Indian Culture and in the Twentieth Century: 66-90.

---------- 2010. “The Double Bind of American Indian Need-Based Sovereignty,” Cultural Anthropology. 25 (2): 235-262.

Ferguson, T.J. 1996. “Native Americans and the Practice of Archaeology.” Annual Review of Anthropology 25 (1): 63-79.

Riney, Scott. 1999. The Rapid City Indian School, 1898-1933. Norman, Okla: University of Oklahoma Press.

Strong, Pauline Turner. 2002. “To Forget Their Tongue, Their Name, and Their Whole Relation: Captivity, Extra-Tribal Adoption, and the Indian Children Welfare Act.” In Relative Values: Reconfiguring Kinship Studies. S. Franklin and S. Mckinnin, eds.

Sturm, Circe. 2002. Blood politics: race, culture, and identity in the Cherokee Nation of Oklahoma. Berkeley, Calif. [u.a.]: Univ. of California Press.

---------- 2011. Becoming Indian: the struggle over Cherokee identity in the twenty-first century. Santa Fe: School for Advanced Research Press.

Whiteley, Peter M. 1998. “The End of Ethnography at Hopi.” In Rethinking Hopi Ethnography. Pp. 163-187. Washington, D.C.: Smithsonian Institution Press.
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10-12-2013, 07:50 PM
RE: Cherokee Janus: The Struggle for Cherokee Identity
Interesting read, I quite enjoyed it.

Bury me with my guns on, so when I reach the other side - I can show him what it feels like to die.
Bury me with my guns on, so when I'm cast out of the sky, I can shoot the devil right between the eyes.
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11-12-2013, 03:34 AM
RE: Cherokee Janus: The Struggle for Cherokee Identity
(10-12-2013 07:50 PM)Question Wrote:  Interesting read, I quite enjoyed it.

Thank you.
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29-04-2014, 12:07 PM
RE: Cherokee Janus: The Struggle for Cherokee Identity
This essay just won the Carl Jantzen Award for the Best Paper in Cultural Anthropology in the 2014 Anthropology Student Awards competition at my university.
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30-04-2014, 03:53 PM
RE: Cherokee Janus: The Struggle for Cherokee Identity
(29-04-2014 12:07 PM)ghostexorcist Wrote:  This essay just won the Carl Jantzen Award for the Best Paper in Cultural Anthropology in the 2014 Anthropology Student Awards competition at my university.

Congrats man!Clap

[Image: hyena_icon_large_by_griffsnuff-d3juy9l.gif] All request for metazoa info and my larger projects should be sent PM
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30-04-2014, 05:01 PM
RE: Cherokee Janus: The Struggle for Cherokee Identity
(30-04-2014 03:53 PM)ThePaleolithicFreethinker Wrote:  
(29-04-2014 12:07 PM)ghostexorcist Wrote:  This essay just won the Carl Jantzen Award for the Best Paper in Cultural Anthropology in the 2014 Anthropology Student Awards competition at my university.

Congrats man!Clap

Thank you. I'm pretty happy.
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30-04-2014, 06:08 PM
RE: Cherokee Janus: The Struggle for Cherokee Identity
The integrity of Cherokee identity is preserved in the Mandy[1] series of books. The future is safe.

Right?

(my daughter has been given a few of these books)

[1] https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Mandie

Give me your argument in the form of a published paper, and then we can start to talk.
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01-05-2014, 11:02 AM
RE: Cherokee Janus: The Struggle for Cherokee Identity
(30-04-2014 06:08 PM)Hafnof Wrote:  The integrity of Cherokee identity is preserved in the Mandy[1] series of books. The future is safe.

Right?

(my daughter has been given a few of these books)

[1] https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Mandie

I had to look that up. Never heard of the series before (then again Cherokee stuff is not my actual area of expertise or anthropological focus). Ha! I see you you mean. Overly Christian with racial stereotypes.
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08-05-2014, 09:35 AM (This post was last modified: 08-05-2014 09:41 AM by ghostexorcist.)
RE: Cherokee Janus: The Struggle for Cherokee Identity
(29-04-2014 12:07 PM)ghostexorcist Wrote:  This essay just won the Carl Jantzen Award for the Best Paper in Cultural Anthropology in the 2014 Anthropology Student Awards competition at my university.

The award ceremony was last Friday. I was acknowledged for winning the scholarship to help pay for my trip to Tanzania a part from getting the award. Here is a picture of me and the anthropology advisor. All of the pictures turned out crappy since the lighting was so bad. The anthropology chair wants to stage new photos outside in the sun so the pictures will come out better.

[Image: 40qux.jpg]

The department liked my accompanying art so much that they've decided to make a new category for the competition. Whereas the others will focus on writing, this one will focus on translating anthropological ideas into art. They are going to print and frame my piece and hang it up as an example to those who apply to the category in the future. Anyways, here is the certificate.

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08-05-2014, 02:00 PM
RE: Cherokee Janus: The Struggle for Cherokee Identity
I need glasses or something. I saw "cherokee anus: the struggle..." and i was like "wait,wut" Laugh out load

KC IS A LIAR!!!! HE PROMISED ME VANILLA CAKES AND GAVE ME STRAWBERRY CAKE Weeping
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